Friday, March 1, 2019

HISTORY OF THE BIG BEND COUNTRY - part 1, chapter 6

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 p.38 

CHAPTER VI.
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OTHER INDIAN OUTBREAKS — 1855-1858.

      Previous to 1859 the territory of Oregon comprised the present states of Washington, Oregon and Idaho.  It is not within the province of this history to follow the careers of Indian "braves," Indian thieves and Indian rapscallions along the entire course of their devious warpaths throughout all of the country outlined above.  Of the Indian wars immediately affecting Washington, the territory covered by these annals, it becomes our duty to treat them in an impartial yet concise manner.

      The massacre of the Ward train, by the Snake Indians, occurred near Fort Boise in the autumn of 1854.  Determined to show the Indians that the government would not remain inactive in the face of such outrages Major Granville O. Haller organized an expedition with which he pushed over into the Snake country, from Fort Dalles.  Nothing tangible resulted from this march other than a demonstration in force; the Indians retreated into the mountains; Major Haller and his soldiers returned to The Dalles.  During the summer of 1855, however, he made another attempt to reach the Snake Indians, and this time successfully, finally capturing and executing the murderers of the Ward party.

      Discovery of gold in the vicinity of Fort Colville incited a stampede to that country.  This was in the spring of 1855.  At that period Governor Stevens was making his famous eastern tour through the territory engaged in treaties and agreements with the various tribes, and this gold discovery so excited the members of his escort that it was with difficulty they were prevented from deserting.  On meeting with the Kettle Falls, Pend d'Oreilles, Spokanes and Coeur' d'Alenes Governor Stevens had told them that he would negotiate with them for the sale of their lands on his return.  Offers to purchase lands by the whites had always been regarded with suspicion by the Indians.  To them it appeared the preliminary step toward subjugation and domination of the country which, perhaps was not an unusual view of the matter.  The gradual but steady increase of the white  p.39  men was far from pleasing to the Indians; they were dissatisfied with the terms of treaties already negotiated, and one chief Peupeumoxmox "Yellow Bird," was on the eve of repudiating the sale of certain territory.

      The first note of defiance was sounded by Pierre Jerome, chief of the Kettle Falls Indians, about August 1, 1855.  He declared emphatically that no white man should pass through his country.  This declaration was soon followed by rumors of murders committed by the Yakimas.  A number of small parties had set forth from the Sound en route to Fort Colville, via Nisqually pass and the Ahtanahm Catholic mission.  Such was the report communicated by Chief Garry, of the Spokanes, to A J. Bolon, special agent for the Yakimas.  It was Bolon's intention to meet Governor Stevens on the latter's return from Fort Benton, and assist at the councils and treaties.  But on receiving these sanguinary reports Bolon rashly deflected his course for the purpose of investigating them.  He went, unattended to the Catholic mission to meet Kamiakin, and was murdered by Owhi, a nephew of Kamiakin, and chief of the Umatillas, who treacherously shot him in the back.

      Then Kamiakin declared war on the whites, which war, he said, he was prepared to carry on five years, if necessary.  The gauntlet had been thrown down and war was inevitable.  The rumor of whites having been killed by the Yakimas was confirmed by miners returning from Fort Cloville, on September 20. A requisition for troops from Vancouver and Steilacoom was at once made by acting Governor Mason.  Fears for the safety of Governor Stevens warranted sending a detachment to his assistance.  A force of eighty-four men from Fort Dalles, under Major Haller, was ordered to proceed against Kamiakin and Peupeumoxmox. two chiefs most to be dreaded. Haller's objective point was the Catholic mission, the home of Kamiakin. He set forth October 3.

      Indians were discovered the third day out.  A sharp skirmish ensued in the afternoon of that day, and at nightfall the Yakimas withdrew.  Of Haller's force eight men were killed and wounded.  On the following day the fight was renewed, the whites being without water and having but very little food.  The Indians attempted to surround Haller, and so sharp was their attack that at dark a messenger was despatched to Major Raines, at The Dalles, asking for assistance. On the third day of this engagement, which was in reality a signal defeat for the whites, the cavalry horses and pack animals were turned loose to find water and grass.  Haller determined to return to The Dalles, and was again attacked by the Indians who, for ten miles, harassed the retreating soldiers with a sharp, running fire.  The force separated into two divisions, one of them being under the command of Captain Russell.  Two detachments of reinforcements failed to connect with Haller, for any effective stand against the enemy, and Major Haller reached The Dalles with a loss of five men killed, seventeen wounded and considerable government property. It was estimated that the Indians suffered a loss of forty killed.

      The disastrous result of this initial campaign against the Yakimas inflamed both soldiers and civilians.  Preparations for a war of considerable magnitude were hastily made.  It was reported at Forts Vancouver and Steilacoom that there were fifteen hundred fighting braves in the field against the whites.  One company of volunteers was called on from Clarke, and one from Thurston county, these companies to consist of eighty-five men each.  Acting Governor Mason asked for arms from the commanders of the revenue cutter Jefferson Davis and sloop of war Decatur, which were furnished promptly.  Company B, of the Puget Sound Volunteers, was organized at Olympia, Gilmore Hays, captain, James S. Hurd, first lieutenant, William Martin, second lieutenant, Joseph Gibson, Henry D. Cock, Thomas Prathar, and Joseph White, sergeants;  Joseph  p.40  S. Taylor, Whitfield Kirtley, T. Wheelock and John Scott, corporals.  On the 20th they reported at Fort Steilacoom and on the 21st, under command of Captain Maloney, set out for White river to reinforce Lieutenant Slaughter, who had gone into the Yakima country with forty men.

      The history of Nesmith's campaign against the Yakima Indians is uneventful.  J. W. Nesmith was placed in command of several volunteer companies, organized by proclamation of Acting Governor Mason, numbering, all told, about seven hundred men.  They were enrolled at Seattle, Olympia, Vancouver and Cathlamet.  James Tilton was appointed adjutant-general of the volunteer forces and Major Raines was in command of the regulars to cooperate with Nesmith.  The volunteers and regulars formed a junction at Simcoe Valley on November 7.  The day following there was a sharp skirmish with the Indians, but the latter finding the force of the whites greatly augmented were timid, and more inclined to retreat than advance.  Being supplied with fresh horses they could escape easily, and were driven up the Yakima river to a narrow gap in the mountains where they made a feeble stand.  Haller and Captain Augur charged them, upon which they retreated and fled down the other side of the mountain, leaving the whites in possession.  On the 10th they made another stand, and an attempt was made by the volunteers and regulars to surround them.  Owing to a misunderstanding a charge was made at an inopportune moment, and again the wily foe were enabled to retreat in comparative safety.  On reaching the Ahtanahm mission it was found deserted and, after a number of unimportant movements, Nesmith pushed on to Walla Walla.  Major Raines reported to General Wool, who had recently arrived in the territory.  The latter was supplied with four thousand stand of arms, a large amount of ammunition and had with him fifty dragoons.

      General Wool at this period appears to have been extremely critical and fault-finding.  He was particularly severe on the volunteers nor did he spare Majors Raines and Haller.  One of General Wool's orders, which appears to have given great offense to the citizens of Oregon, was to disband the company enrolled to proceed to the relief of Governor Stevens, and this order was subsequently bitterly resented by the governor.  The result of Wool's conduct was what might have been expected; contentions between the regulars and volunteers, rendering void their efficiency and making it impossible for them to co-operate.  Practically future campaigns against the hostiles were in the hands of the volunteers. January 11, 1856.  General Wool received information of Indian troubles in Southern Oregon and California, and he left for San Francisco, having first assigned command of the Columbia River District to Colonel George Wright, with headquarters at The Dalles.

      In the Puget Sound district the year 1855 was punctuated with a number of Indian tragedies.  Lieutenant McAllister and M. McConnell, of McConnell's prairie, were killed by the hostiles in October of that year.  Sunday, the 28th, in the White Valley, the Indians fell upon the farming settlements. W. H. Braman, wife and child, H. H. Jones and wife, Simon Cooper and George E. King and wife were killed.  Others escaped to Seattle.  The death of Lieutenant Slaughter, in December, 1855, cast a heavy gloom over the various communities then in the territory.  While in command of sixty- five men, on Brannans' prairie, Lieutenant Slaughter was sitting at night in a small log house.  For the purpose of drying their wet clothing the soldiers had started a small fire near the door of the cabin, and the Indians, guided by this light were able to shoot Slaughter through the heart.  Without uttering a word he fell dead from his chair. An attack on Seattle, in December of the same year, was repulsed with heavy losses to both sides, the sloop of war, Decatur, taking a prominent part  p. 41  in this fight and doing good execution.  Other United States vessels, including the Active and Massachusetts, were conspicuous in defense of the town.  It was aboard the Decatur that the sanguinary Patkanim delivered the heads of Indians for which a bounty was offered.  Patkanim had entered into a contract with the territorial government by which he was to receive eighty dollars apiece for all heads of Indian chiefs, and twenty dollars for the heads of warriors.  Subsequently these ghastly trophies were forwarded to Olympia.  In this horrible hunt for hostile heads Patkanim was assisted by eighty warriors of the Snoqualimich and Skokomish tribes, and, also, a chief called John Taylor.  The United States navy at that time rendered most valuable services in repulsing Indian attacks along the shore-line of Puget Sound. Working in conjunction with the land forces of the whites the guns of the ships at times did terrible execution among the painted savages.  On the morning of October 22, 1856, a party of Indians surrendered to the commander of the Massachusetts and were taken to Victoria.  It was generally supposed that the severe treatment accorded unfriendly Indians on the Sound would result in the abandonment of depredations in that vicinity.  But on August 11, 1857, a party of savages landed at Whidby Island, killed a man named I. N. Eby, decapitated him and looted his house before an alarm could be given.  Nor was this the extent of later depredations.  It became necessary for vessels heavily armed to cruise in the sound and through Fuca Strait.

      Our territorial limitations demand that we return to the Yakima country where Indian hostilities were renewed.  In October. 1855 rumors were rife of a combination of Oregon and Yakima Indians.  It was reported, also, that the Des Chutes. Walla "Wallas and Cayuses were inclined to be unfriendly.  To prevent such a combination Indian Agent Olney had been sent from The Dalles to Walla Walla.  It was construed as an unfavorable circumstance that Peupeumoxmox should have been found on the north side of the Columbia.  Other signs indicated the truculency of Peupeumoxmox, and he even denied that he had ever sold the Walla Walla valley.  To Olney it seemed apparent that the chief was preparing to join the Yakimas in a war against the whites.  It was decided in conference between Agent Olney and McKinlay, Anderson and Sinclair, officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, to destroy the amunition in Walla Walla to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Indians.  It was. therefore, thrown into the river.  All whites were then ordered to leave the country, and this order included Sinclair, who abandoned property in the fort valued at $37,000.

      To a winter campaign against the Indians in the Yakima valley, Colonel Nesmith was stoutly opposed.  He directed attention to the fact that his horses and men were exhausted, some of the latter being severely frost-bitten and otherwise unfit for duty.  One hundred and twenty-five of them had been discharged.  However, Governor Curry ordered Major M. A. Chinn to proceed to Walla Walla and join Nesmith.  This order was followed by a general uprising of the Indians.  Chinn resolved to fortify the Umatilla agency, and await reinforcements, believing it impossible to form the contemplated union with Nesmith.  Accordingly Chinn, who had arrived at the agency November 18. 1855, where he found the buildings destroyed, erected a stockade and named the same Fort Henrietta, in honor of the wife of Major Haller.  Later Kelly arrived and succeeding reinforcements gave him four hundred and seventy-five men.  The first sally from Walla Walla was made on December 2.  The force of three hundred and ninety-nine men was met by Chief Peupeumoxmox,who carried a white flag at the head of a band of warriors.  Following a conference the Indians were held as prisoners and, during a subsequent attack on Waiilatpu. were killed. The truculent chief of the Walla Wallas met his death earlv in the  p.42  insurrection of which he was the instigator.  The fight at Waiilatpu continued through the 7th, 8th and 9th, the fortunes of war being temporarily with the Indians.  Reinforcements for Kelly arrived on the 10th, from Fort Henrietta, thus enabling the whites to snatch victory from the jaws of defeat, and continue the pursuit of the Indians until nightfall. Kelly then built Fort Bennett, two miles above Waiilatpu.

      It is impossible to attempt a description of the battle between the upper and lower cascades of the Columbia river without being brought face to face with another blunder of General Wool.  However valuable may have been his services during the Mexican war, and no one could justly censure any portion of his career in those campaigns, truth compels the statement that General Wool's knowledge of Indian warfare was limited.  Undoubtedly his intentions were the best, but he appears singularly unfortunate in a number of his military orders while at the head of the troops in Washington and Oregon.

      About the middle of December, 1855, Kelly received news of the resignation of Colonel Nesmith.  The latter was succeeded by Thomas R. Cornelius, and Kelly, anxious to return to civil duties, gave his command to Davis Layton.  A. M. Fellows took the place of Captain Bennett, Fellows being succeeded by A. Shepard, and the latter by B. A. Barker.  Thus was effected a partial reorganization of the volunteer forces in the Walla Walla valley.  On the return of Governor Stevens, who arrived in camp December 20, he expressed himself as highly gratified by the assistance rendered us by the Oregon trooops.  During the ten days he remained in the Walla Walla valley, a company of home-guards, composed of French Canadians, was formed and officered by Sidney E. Ford, captain, Green McCafferty, first lieutenant.  It was decided, after discussion with the Oregon volunteers, to intrench Walla Walla and hold the same until the regular trooops were prepared to prosecute another campaign.  Similar means of defense were provided for the Spokane and Colville.

      Before his return to Olympia Governor Stevens expressed his appreciation of the services of sixty-nine Nez Perce volunteers in a substantial manner.  He directed that they be cordially thanked, mustered out of service and their muster rolls forwarded to Olympia for future payment.  No one can gainsay this judicious measure, for it was of -the utmost im- portance to retain the friendship of any tribe of Indians disposed to be at all friendly toward the whites. In return for the generous treatment by Governor Stevens the Nez Perces covenanted to furnish horses with which to mount the Oregon volunteers.

      The return of Governor Stevens and Kelly, the one to Olympia, the other to Oregon City, was marked in each instance by a series of public ovations from the people. January 19, 1856, the governor was received with a salute of thirty-eight guns; Kelly was given a public banquet and escorted to the hall, an honor worthily bestowed on one who, without doubt, had prevented a dangerous coalition between the Indians of Northern Washington and Southern Oregon.  But the praiseworthy efforts of Oregon were not to cease at this point.  A proclamation was issued by Governor Curry on January 6, 1856, asking for five companies to be recruited in Yamhill, Polk, Clackamas, Marion and Linn counties, supplemented by forty men to round out the skeltonized company of scouts under Captain Conoyer. These troops arrived at Walla Walla about March 1.

      Nine days later the campaign was opened by Colonel Cornelius who started with six hundred men.  The plan was to proceed along the Snake and Columbia rivers to the Palouse and Yakima; thence to Priest's Rapids and down the east bank of the Columbia to the mouth of the Yakima.  During this march a few Indians were found, but no heavy engagement followed, and the command reached the Yakima March 30. Here ominous reports were received.  p.43  Between the two cascades of the Columbia were a number of settlements.  These had been attacked by hostile Indians.

      One blunder of General Wool's, to which attention has been called, was made at this juncture.  On his arrival from California he had found at Vancouver three companies of infantry.  He ordered two of these to repair to Fort Steilacoom.  The territory of the hostile Klikitats and Yakimas adjoined a portage between the cascades, on which portage a large quantity of government stores was exposed.  This was a strong inducement to the Indians to attack the point, and it should have been heavily guarded.  On the contrary the company at the Cascades, on March 24, was sent away, with the exception of eight men under command of Sergeant Matthew Kelly.  The latter was a member of the 4th infantry.  The upper and lower ends of the portage were connected by a wagon road.  The stream above the portage was named Rock Creek, on which was a saw mill.  In this vicinity were a number of families and the trading post of Bradford & Company.  An island in the river was connected with the mainland by a bridge.  The first steamer to run on the Columbia, trading between The Dalles and the Cascades, was the Mary.  This craft was at her landing near Rock Creek.  The block-house was located about midway between the two cascades and near it lived the families of George Griswold and W. K. Kilborn.

      General Wool, after giving his orders, which resulted so disastrously, had returned to California.  The force of Colonel Wright had moved from The Dalles; his rear left unguarded. At the upper settlement of the Cascades, on the morning of March 26. a force of Klikitats and Yakimas appeared with hostile demonstrations.  Some of the settlers had gone to their daily avocations, but the hour being early, the crew of the Mary had not reached the boat.  The Indians who had taken their position under cover of darkness opened the fight, if such an attack on almost defenseless settlers could be termed a fight, with a rapid rifle fire from the brush.  One of the whites was shot dead and a number wounded at the first volley.  It developed into an Indian massacre accompanied by all the horrid features incidental to such scenes, and those who fell victims to rifle balls were immediately tomahawked and scalped.  Among the first to fall was the family of B. W. Brown.  Himself, wife, a young boy and his sister, eighteen years of age, were slain and thrown into the river.

      Bradford & Company's store, a log structure, appeared to be the only place of refuge, and to this fled the workmen on the bridge and a number of settlers.  Then began the memorable siege of the Cascades.  Of the forty people gathered in the store building eighteen were able to make a defensive showing, and armed with nine government rifles which, with some ammunition, had been left of the store to be forwarded to Vancouver, they replied to the fire of the enemy to the best of their ability.  All advantages of position were with the hostiles.  They were concealed on higher ground and, apparently, had the settlers at their mercy.  It was in the first onslaught of this savage attack that James Sinclair, one of the Hudson's Bay Company's agents, was killed.  He was shot through an open door in a manner similar to the assassination of Lieutenant Slaughter.

      Providentially the steamer Mary was not captured. An attack was made upon the boat and the fireman, James Linsay, shot through the shoulder.  A negro cook, having been wounded, leaped into the stream and was drowned.  One Indian was shot and killed by the engineer, Buskminister, and John Chance, son of the steward, killed another hostile.  To effect the escape of the boat it became necessary for Hardin Chenoweth, the pilot, to manipulate the wheel while lying prone on the floor of the pilot house.  The families of Sheppard and Vanderpool ventured from the shore in skiffs, and were picked up in midstream.  The gallant little  p.44  Mary was then off up the river for succor.  Several fatalities afterward occurred among the settlers and a number of hairbreadth escapes are recorded.  The Indians fired the mill and lumber yards and tried desperately to burn the log store.  The absence of water was added to the elements of horror surrounding the besieged settlers.  Within the store one man was dead.  Sinclair, and four others severely wounded.  A few dozen bottles of ale and whiskey comprised the liquids available for thirty-nine people, the greater number being women and children.

      In this dire emergency justice demands that credit be given to a Spokane Indian in the party who risked his life to procure water from the stream.  At first he succeeded in getting water only sufficient for the wounded, but the succeeding day he was enabled to fill two barrels and convey them inside the store.  Meanwhile the imprisoned settlers were harassed by fears for the safety of the Mary.  The capture of this boat meant utter failure to receive reinforcements and relief.

      The attack on the block-house below Bradford & Company's store was simultaneous with the assault above.  The garrison comprised nine persons, five of whom only were inside the structure at the time of the unexpected attack.  The Indians had massed themselves on an adjacent hill.  One of the garrison who had been caught outside the block-house was shot through the hip, but managed to crawl to the door, where he was admitted.  Cannon was brought to bear on the enemy, and soon afterward the neighboring settlers came running to the rude fort for protection.  A number of them were killed, but such as reached the fort alive were taken inside.  During four hours a heavy fire was kept up by both sides, and an attempt to fire the block-house at night was repulsed.  The Indians prowled about with horrid yells, and did what damage they could do to surrounding property. Some pro- visions were procured on the 27th from an adjacent house by three soldiers.  The congressional report of "Indian Hostilities in Oregon and Washington Territories," 11-12, gives the names of the plucky garrison of this block-house.  They were M. Kelly, Frederick Beman, Owen McManus, Lawrence Rooney (killed in the first attack), Smiley, Houser, Williams, Roach and Sheridan.  On the second day of the fight the latter four went out and returned with the dead and wounded.

      An attack on the Lower Cascades did not result in loss of lives.  Many of the settlers were warned of the assault on the block-house by a half-breed boy, who informed W. K. Kilborn and urged him to leave the neighborhood.  Kilborn owned a Columbia river freight boat, and by means of this craft he saved the lives of his own family and those of several others.  Arriving at Vancouver Kilborn apprised the residents of that place of the outbreak.  This news threw the people into consternation, and they expected momentarily to be attacked.  The difficult problem presented was to send reinforcements to the Cascades and retain, at the same time, sufficient force to protect Vancouver.  To the Hudson's Bay Company's fort, for greater safety, Colonel Morris removed the women and children of the garrison.  In his "History of Washington, Idaho and Montana," Hubert Howe Bancroft states that Coloneil Morris "refused arms to the captain of the volunteer home guards in obedience to the orders of General Wool." Mr. Bancroft says further:

      "I take this statement from a correspondent of the Olympia Pioneer and Democrat of April 25, 1856, who says that Kelly, of the volunteers, went to the officer in command at that post and requested to be furnished with arms, as all the arms in the country had gone to furnish a company in the field — Captain Maxon's. 'He was insulted — told to mind his own business.' A few days later a consignment of arms from the east arrived, for the use of the territory, and the settlers were furnished from that supply."

 p.45      If such was the order of General Wool it certainly exhibits a marked degree of hostility toward the volunteers of Washington and Oregon, and unpleasantly emphasized one more blunder on the part of the veteran of the Mexican war.  It will be noted in another portion of this chapter that the brunt of the fighting in the Various Indian outbreaks fell upon volunteers.  The efforts of the regulars were purely supplementary and were not conducted with the success worthy of the most ordinary tactician.

      Lieutenant Philip Sheridan, of whom we now hear for the first time in connection with military movements, on the morning of the 27th left on the steamer Belle for the Cascades.  With him were a small detachment of one company assigned by General Wool for the protection of Vancouver.  Fugitives were met, in the river; some of them on a schooner, others in a batteau.  The men among these settlers, flying for their lives, immediately volunteered to return and participate in the punishment of the hostiles, an exhibition of manliness which fully illustrates the spirit which invariably animated the Washington and Oregon volunteers, despite the severe and unwarranted strictures of General Wool.  A reconnoitre was made by Sheridan on arriving at the lower end of the portage, and the condition of affairs at the Cascades and the block-house was gleaned from some Cascade Indians.  On the Washington side of the Columbia Sheridan landed his men; the boat being sent back for more ammunition to Vancouver.  Two of Sheridan's men were shot down while effecting a landing.  Relief of the block-house was not effected immediately as the party was unable to advance during the day.

      On the steamer Fashion another relief party was en route from Portland.  Thirty men had been recruited by Benjamin Stark and H. P. Dennison on the 26th. and this number was increased by other volunteers from Vancouver.  It was midnight, the 26th, that Colonel Wright received news of the attack on the Cascades.  He had removed from The Dalles with his troops to Five-Mile Creek, where he was encamped.  With two hundred and fifty men he went back to The Dalles, boarded the steamers Mary and Wasco, and reached the Cascades on the morning of the 28th.  At the latter place it was the belief of the garrison that the Mary had been captured by the Indians.  With only four rounds of ammunition left, and in ignorance of the arrival of Sheridan, the settlers in their desperation had determined to board a government flat-boat and go over the falls rather than fall into the hands of the Indians.  The pleasure with which they caught sight of the Mary and Wasco rounding the bend of the river can be better imagined than described.  With the timely arrival of these troops the Indians disappeared.  Under command of Colonel Steptoe two companies of the 9th infantry, a detachment of dragoons and the 3rd artillery advanced to the block-house and from this point to the landing below.  Lieutenant Sheridan's command coming up at the same time alarmed the Indians and they vanished with remarkable celerity.  Colonel Steptoe lost one soldier and one hostile was killed.  Subsequently nine Indians who were identified as having engaged in the massacre at the Cascades were captured and executed.

      It was the opinion of Governor Stevens, formed after his return to Olympia, that Indian hostilities in the immediate future were to be confined to the Yakima country and Walla Walla valley.  January 21, 1856, in a special message addressed to the legislative assembly, he dwelt with great earnestness on the desirability of acquiring title to the country unencumbered by Indian claims.  This had been the motive of his recent trip to the country of the Nez Perces, Coeur d'Alenes and other tribes far to the eastward of the Cascade range.  He said that nearly all the different tribes whom he had interviewed had been, apparently, quite willing to concede this point. But the governor added that he had been deceived in this respect, and that it would now be necessary to send soldiers  p.46  from the Sound into the Indian country east of the Cascades.  Furthermore he was opposed to treaties and favored extermination.

      In this conclusion Governor Stevens was, as events subsequently proved, greatly deceived.  So far from confining their depredations to the Walla Walla valley the Indians were even then making preparations to raid the coast of the Sound.  Although the ensuing war was, for a period, confined to the country north of the Steilacoom, terror ran riot in other isolated and unprotected localities.  Many murders were committed and a great deal of valuable property destroyed by the remorseless savages.  Then it was that Governor Stevens returned to Olympia and ordered a portion of the southern battalion to the Sound country.  During the spring of 1856 a decisive engagement with the Indians was had at White river, resulting in the complete rout of the savages, although they outnumbered the whites two to one.  Governor Stevens proclaimed martial law.  Fighting occurred on John Day river and in June, 1856, Major Layton captured thirty-four warriors.  A spirited engagement between the Indians and Colonel Shaw took place on the Grand Rond, but following this the hostiles broke up into small bands, but sufficiently aggressive to create considerable activity among the troops.  One of the most effective methods adopted to dishearten the enemy was that of stopping supplies and capturing the Indians' horses in various raids.  Some of the savages were neutral; nearly all of them needy; and during a vigorous march through the country overtures made by the United States were, in a large number of cases, accepted. Of the Wasco, Des Chutes, Tyghe and John Day tribes, nine hundred and twenty-three surrendered, and four hundred of the more truculent Yakimas and Klikitats surrendered to Colonel Wright.  Following this they received government aid.

      While these scenes were being enacted on the Sound it had been impossible for Governor Stevens to deploy troops east of the Cascade range.  Of this fact the Indians in that country took advantage.  It required the best diplomatic efforts of Lieutenant-Colonel Graig to hold the Nez Perces and Spokanes to their allegiance, and finally, July 24, Captain Robie informed Colonel Shaw that the Nez Perces had become recalcitrant, declared hostile intentions and refused all offers of government supplies.  It was at this annoying juncture of affairs that Governor Stevens decided to go to Walla Walla and hold a council.  He found conditions decidedly worse than had been reported.  Although Colonel Wright had been pressed to join the council he declined, urging that it would be better to establish at Walla Walla a strong military post with Stepoe in command.

      This council was not crowned with the most satisfactory results.  The Cayuses, Des Chutes and Tyghes, although they arrived in the vicinity of the meeting place, were disposed to be sullen and unfriendly.  They refused to pay a visit to Governor Stevens, exhibited signs of hostility by firing the grass and otherwise gave evidence of malevolence.  Kamiakin and Owhi, Yakimas and Qualchin, of the Cceur d'Alenes, also refused to attend and passed their time sowing seeds of dissension whenever and wherever opportunity offered.  On the 11th of September the council opened and closed dismally on the 17th.  It became necessary for Governor Stevens to remove to the immediate vicinity of Steptoe's camp through fear of violence from the Indians.  No pipe of peace was smoked and no satisfactory results achieved.  The Indians demanded to be left in peaceful possession of all the country claimed by them as "domains," and declared most emphatically that no other terms would be accepted.  It was with no little difficulty that Governor Stevens succeeeded in getting out of the country alive.  His train was attacked on its way back to The Dalles and two of the escort killed.  Following this humiliating repulse of the governor, and after his return to the Sound, Colonel Wrigfht  p.47  marched to Walla Walla and ordered all the chiefs to meet him in council.  It was, evidently, the intention of Wright to adopt drastic measures, but few Indians attended the council, and, like the preceding one, it bore no fruit.  Those who came said, sullenly, that they were opposed to confirmation of the Walla Walla treaty.  Troops were at once thrown into the various posts, including Mill Creek, Fort Dalles and the Cascades settlement, and preparations made to secure all from invasion during the approaching winter.

      Throughout this summer and while attempts were being made to pacify the Indians east of the Cascade range, hostilities continued on the Sound.  The Puyallups and Nisquallies, at a council held at Fox Island, August 4th, convinced Governor Stevens that an injustice had been done them through the limitations of their reservation.  An enlargement was recommended by the governor, and a resurvey ordered, which absorbed thirteen donation claims.  Subsequently congress appropriated $5,000 toward improvements.

      The story of the capture and execution of Leschi is, perhaps, one of the most sensational Indian episodes in the career of Governor Stevens.  Leschi, together with Nelson, Stahi, Quiemuth and the younger Kitsap, had been ringleaders in the attack on the Decatur, in the Sound, and now Governor Stevens desired to try them for murder.  These Indians had attended the council with Colonel Wright, in the Yakima country, and Wright had paroled them.  At that period an attempt was being made to quiet the Indians east of the Cascade range.  In the opinion of Wright, of whom these five savages had been demanded, it would be unwise at this juncture to give them over to certain execution, but the governor was insistent in his demands, and again made requisition for the hostiles.  To this demand nearly all the army officers were opposed, believing the policy to be unwise.

      In November Leschi was arrested.  Sluggia and Elikukah, two of his own people, betrayed him into the hands of the whites.  At that period Leschi was an outcast and, practically, outlawed by both Yakimas and whites.  The traitorous Sluggia and Elikukah found him and handed him over to Sydney S. Ford who forwarded him on to Olympia. Leschi was now to stand trial for the killing of A. B. Moses.  At the first trial, November 14, the jury failed to agree.  March 18, 1857, a second trial was had, resulting in conviction.  June 10 was the day set for his execution.  The attorneys engaged for Leschi's defense appealed the case to the supreme court, and this appeal served as a stay of proceedings and deferred execution beyond the day assigned.  However, the verdict of the lower court was sustained and January 22, 1858, was set as the day for the hanging of Leschi.  McMullin, who had succeeded Stevens, was now governor of Washington.  Friends of Leschi appealed to him for pardon; seven hundred settlers vigorously protested.  The execution was to be at Steilacoom and on the day set there was a large audience.  This time, however, the death penalty was delayed by friends of the condemned by a most peculiar legal manipulation.  Shortly before the time for the execution the sheriff and his deputy were placed under arrest by a United States marshal.  The charge against the prisoners was that of selling liquor to Indians.  In vain an attempt was made to reach the sheriff and secure the death warrant, without which it would be impossible to strangle Leschi legally.  But that officer was retained in close custody until the period set for Leschi's hanging had passed.  The "United States marshall" in these proceedings was Lieutenant McKibben, stationed at Fort Steilacoom, who had been appointed for that express purpose.  All in all this coup was in the nature of a ruse on the part of the regular army, between whom and the citizens of the territory there was at all times considerable friction.

      Indignation at this perversion of justice and  p.48  palpable miscarriage of law ran high among the people.  Public meetings of protest were held and the legislature appealed to.  This body proceeded to adjust matters in a most strenuous manner, repealing certain laws and enacting new ones until the legal coils around Leschi were deemed sufficiently strong to insure his punishment.  Again the prisoner was tried and, although his counsel demurred to the jurisdiction of the court, he was overruled and February 19, 1858, the Indian who had so successfully fought off the hounds of law was hanged.  It is a matter of historical record that few of the more active Indian participants in the various outbreaks on the Sound escaped.  Three of them were assassinated by white men in revenge for the murder of friends; a number were hanged at Fort Steilacoom; one of his own people killed Kitsap in June, 1857, on Muckleshoot prairie, and Leschi's friends revenged themselves by taking the life of the treacherous Sluggia.  Comparative peace was restored to the Sound country, yet the horrors of the outbreak were long remembered.  To the Puyallup and upper White River valley many of the settlers did not return until 1859.

      Patkanim, the horrible blood-hunter, who, for American gold, trafficked in human heads as nonchalantly as he would deal in wolf-pelts, did not long survive the war.  The following estimation of this barbarian is given by the Pioneer and Democrat under date, January 21, 1859: "It is just as well that he is out of the way, as, in spite of everything, we never believed in his friendship."

      Indemnity claims following Indian troubles on the Sound amounted to some twelve thousand dollars, which sum was appropriated by congress.  But the actual expenses incidental to the conduct of this war, a war in behalf of the peace and prosperity of Washington and Oregon, approached quite nearly six million dollars, or exactly $5,931,424.78, divided as follows: Washington, $1,481,475.45; Oregon, $4,449,949.33.  Payment of $1,409,604.53 was made to the Oregon, and $519,593.06 to the Washington volunteers.  At that period the eminent editor and publicist, Horace Greeley, had not advised the young men of the country to "go west," and he was unkind enough to say, in the New York Tribune:  "The enterprising territories of Oregon and Washington have handed into congress their little bill for scalping Indians and violating squaws two years ago.  After these (the French spoilation claims) shall have been paid half a century or so, we trust the claims of the Oregon and Washington Indian fighters will come up for consideration."

      The scene of Indian troubles now removes itself to a point in eastern Washington more immediately identified with the limitations of this history.  In April, 1858, the mines in the vicinity of Colville had become attractive to "stampeders," and two white men pushing on into the "gold country," had been slain by a party of savages belonging to the Palouse tribe.  A petition for troops, signed by forty residents of Colville, had been forwarded to Colonel Steptoe.  The latter informed General Clarke of the fact and advised that an expedition be sent north to punish the savages and protect the settlers.  Adding to the crime of murder the Palouses had gone down into the Walla Walla country and driven away a band of government cattle.  The Palouses who, it was claimed, had killed the Colville miners, were found by Colonel Steptoe at the Alpowah.  Steptoe had left Walla Walla May 6, 1858, with one hundred and thirty dragoons en route for the country of the Nez Perces.  On approach of the whites the Indians fled.  Because Steptoe placed no confidence in a report he received on the 16th that the Spokanes were making arrangements to attack him he, unfortunately, found himself surrounded with a force of six hundred miscellaneous "braves," including warriors of the Cceur d'Alenes, Palouses, Spokanes and Nez Perces.  They were attired in war paint and had chosen a position where  p.49  from three sides they could assault Steptoe's detachment of troops.  During a short parley the Spokanes confirmed the reports that they were on the war path, and announced that they purposed to do considerable fighting before the whites would be permitted to ford the Spokane river.  Doubtless the Indians were emboldened in their conduct by the fact that these dragoons of Steptoe's were without other means of defense than their small arms.  For this inexcusable blunder no reason has ever been assigned, and none could be that would, at this day, be acceptable to a military man.  The savages rode along side by side with the troops and hurled at them insults and cries of defiance.  At nightfall the chiefs demanded to know the reason for this invasion of their country.

      No explanation was made that in any way pacified the chiefs, although Steptoe said that, having learned of trouble near Colville he was on his way thither to inquire into the cause of it.  The chiefs pointed out the fact that he was not on the Colville road at all.  Unfortunately he had been led astray by a guide.  Timothy, by name.  Without suitable arms, and otherwise unprepared for fighting, Steptoe decided to retreat.  He began his return to the Palouse on the 17th.  A few miles away a party of Cceeur d'Alenes were gathering roots, and to them the Spokanes appealed asking their assistance in bagging an enemy whom the Spokanes, particularly, did not intend to allow to leave the country alive.  A Cceeur d'Alene chief, named Vincent, attempted to hold a parley with Colonel Steptoe, but firing was commenced by the Palouses and the skirmish soon resolved itself into a general engagement.  Encumbered by a pack train, which it was necessary to guard; passing over ground rough and most favorable for Indians and their mode of warfare Steptoe's command labored under a serious disadvantage, and were in no condition for any effective fighting.  The savages charged a company commanded by Lieutenant Gregg, but the prompt support given by Lieutenant Gaston repulsed the Indians and they suffered severely at this point.  Twelve of them were killed, including Jacques Zachary, brother-in-law of Vincent; James and Victor, the latter one of the powerful chiefs of the Coeur d'Alenes.  Later on, while attemping to reach a stream of water, Lieutenant William Gaston and Captain Oliver H. P. Taylor were killed.  The result of this "Battle of Steptoe Butte," fought at a place seven miles from the present town of Colfax, must be, impartially, recorded as a defeat for the whites.  On the morning of the 19th the retreating troops reached Snake river and from this point continued on to Walla Walla.

      The animosity of the Indians exhibited in this disaster has been variously explained.  The most plausible reason for it lies, probably, in the fact that the Creur d' Alenes bad been told of the proposed government road through their country, from the Missouri to the Columbia river. This was subsequently completed by Lieutenant Mullan, from Fort Walla Walla to Fort Benton.

      In June, 1858, active preparations were made to avenge the defeat of Steptoe.  Quite a large body of troops were mobilized at Fort Walla Walla, some of them being brought from San Francisco and other California points; some from the Sound.  Here for a period of time they were industriously drilled in the tactics of Indian warfare.This was to be an expedition against the Cceur d' Alenes and Spokanes; another was being put in motion against the Yakimas.  The campaign plan was to have Major Garnett move toward Colville with three hundred men, co operate with Captain Keyes, and "round up" the tribes of Indians.  Major Garnett was to leave August 15; Captain Keyes left Walla Walla on the 7th.  Fort Taylor was built at the junction of Tucannon and Snake rivers, which, with its six hundred and forty acres of reservation, was intended as a permanent post. Here Colonel Wright arrived August 18. The expedition  p.50  consisted of one hundred and ninety dragoons, four hundred artillery and ninety infantry, the latter armed with Sharpe's rifles.  Seventy-six miles north from Fort Taylor Indians appeared on the hills and fired on a company of Nez Perces Indians who had been enlisted as volunteers by the whites and uniformed as regular soldiers.  Soon afterward the hostiles retreated.  They reappeared on September 1, in force, and one of the most important battles of this particular Indian war was fought.  The victory was plainly with the whites, the savages losing twenty killed and many wounded.

      But the Indians were desperate.  Colonel Wright resumed his march September 5th, and was again attacked by the enemy. Shells from the howitzers burst among them ; the fire of the whites was deadly, and defeat of the Indians complete.  On September 10 the Cceur d'Alenes surrendered, and the redoubtable Vincent was not the least active in inducing this submission.  They had attempted to stay the progress of civilization through their wilderness and civilization would not be stayed.  Whatever of home or country they once had was gone. Henceforth enterprise, industry and intelligence were to supplant barbaric ignorance and Indian squalor.


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